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96 Part i california Water <br />2009; Blandford and Josling 2007).19 Changes in federal farm policy are needed <br />to break this link and facilitate more efficient use of water. <br />When water to some CVP contractors became less reliable as a result of the <br />listing of several species for protection under the Endangered Species Act and <br />the environmental water allocations mandated by the Central Valley Project <br />Improvement Act of 1992, farm-to-farm water transfers became an important <br />tool for supplementing farm water supplies on the western side of the San Joaquin <br />Valley, including the Westlands Water District (Hanak 2003). The still large <br />discrepancies in crop values and water use suggest the potential for much more <br />use of water markets in response to further regulatory cutbacks and drought- <br />related scarcity. For instance, during the recent drought, irrigated pasture still <br />accounted for a sizable share of gross water use within the San Joaquin Valley.20 <br />In Chapter 6, we discuss obstacles to continued development of water markets, <br />including institutional and legal barriers, infrastructure limits (e.g., the diffi- <br />culty of moving water from the east to the west side of the San Joaquin Valley), <br />and concerns within source regions about local economic harm from transfers. <br />Getting past these obstacles is an important priority for California water policy. <br />Little growth in urban water use despite economic growth <br />Urban water use is less directly linked to economic prosperity than in the case <br />of agriculture, suggesting considerable flexibility to reduce use, if done carefully, <br />without reducing regional or statewide economic activity. As a rough illustra- <br />tion, the state’s economy was 2.4 times larger in real terms in 2005 than in 1980, <br />despite a 14 percent drop in total gross water use and a 30 percent increase in <br />urban gross use (Figure 2.8). The economy grew another 14 percent from 2000 <br />to 2005 with no increase in gross urban water use and an 11 percent decline in <br />gross agricultural water use.21 <br />Urban water use has a large, but less direct, effect on economic prosperity <br />(Figure 2.12). Industrial water use tends to have an extremely high marginal <br />19. As an example, cotton subsidies are tied to past cotton acreage, but farmers are not allowed to grow fruits and nuts <br />on that acreage and continue to qualify for the subsidy. <br />20. According to DWR statistics, in 2005, irrigated pasture accounted for 12 percent of gross water use in the San <br />Joaquin River hydrologic region. In 2008, County Agricultural Commissioner Reports estimate that acreage of irrigated <br />pasture within the eight-county San Joaquin Valley had fallen by 20 percent, suggesting some adaptation but considerable <br />remaining water use for this low-value crop. <br />21. Within agriculture, the real value of farm output was 1.12 times higher in 2005 than in 1980, despite a 23 percent <br />decline in applied water on farms and a 7 percent decline in irrigated crop acreage (authors’ calculations using gross <br />state product data from the U.S. Bureau of Economic Analysis and water use data from the California Department of <br />Water Resources).