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126 Part i california Water <br />policy. Bond funds have provided stopgap funding for activities once supported <br />by the general fund.59 <br />California needs more reliable, user-fee based funding to support publicly <br />related water expenses, including the basic science, monitoring and planning <br />functions of government as well as investments to improve aquatic habitat. As <br />discussed in Chapter 7, the state’s energy and transportation sectors provide <br />useful user-fee models. <br />Whether the public can be convinced to shift to more fee-based funding of <br />such public functions is an important question. Voter support for numerous <br />water bonds suggests a willingness to support these activities with taxpayer dol- <br />lars, but it is not clear that voters recognize the costs of state general obligation <br />bonds in terms of new taxes or reduced spending in other areas. (Indeed, state <br />general obligation bonds are often promoted by their sponsors as not requiring <br />new taxes; in contrast, local bonds are generally proposed along with a revenue <br />source to cover the obligation [Hanak 2009b]). <br />In contrast to such issues as the economy, education, and crime, water is <br />generally not the foremost policy issue on the minds of the state’s residents.60 <br />However, public opinion surveys suggest that the public is concerned with water <br />conditions in the state. Over the past decade, water issues (supply and quality) <br />have generally ranked second after air quality as the state’s top environmen- <br />tal issue (Figure 2.17). (Water surpassed air quality in 2009, when many resi- <br />dents faced voluntary or mandatory rationing because of drought conditions <br />and cutbacks in Delta pumping.) In recent surveys, more than two-thirds of <br />respondents said that water supply is at least somewhat of a problem in their <br />region (Baldassare et al. 2009a, 2010). Looking ahead, most said that they are <br />very or somewhat concerned about the potential for more severe floods (55–60 <br />percent) and droughts (78–85 percent) as a result of climate change (Baldassare <br />et al. 2005, 2007, 2009). Although raising new fees to support the water sector is <br />not likely to be popular with California voters, better public information about <br />water system conditions might help foster public discussion for reform of the <br />inadequate funding mechanisms currently available. <br />59. Since the onset of chronic state budget problems in 2001, bonds have funded at least one-quarter —and sometimes <br />more than half—of DWR’s operational expenses in every year except 2005 (authors’ calculations using information <br />from the governor’s budgets). <br />60. In 38 surveys conducted by the Public Policy Institute of California between August 1999 and June 2010, water (supply <br />or quality) never accounted for more than 2 percent to 3 percent of responses to the open-ended question: “Thinking <br />about the state as a whole, what do you think is the most important issue facing people in California today?” Jobs and <br />the economy were almost always the highest, occasionally surpassed by immigration (in 2007), crime (in 2003), energy <br />prices (in 2001), and schools (1999) (all surveys are available at www.ppic.org).